Abstract
Underage drinking is a form of adolescent behavior: the consumption of alcohol by individuals below the legal drinking age. It is the most common form of substance use among young people and carries consequences out of proportion to the amounts involved, because the adolescent brain is still undergoing the maturation of its reward and control systems. This article covers how drinking is distributed across adolescence, why an early age of first use predicts lifetime alcohol problems, and how alcohol exposure affects a brain that is still developing. A worked example quantifies the steep relationship between age of onset and later dependence, and three interactive demonstrations show the onset-risk curve, the divergence of developing and mature brains under alcohol exposure, and the developmental window of heightened vulnerability.
Keywords: underage drinking, age of onset, adolescent brain, alcohol dependence, reward sensitivity
Underage drinking is at once ordinary and consequential. In most industrialized societies the majority of people have their first full drink before the legal age, and a substantial minority drink heavily during adolescence, so the behavior is statistically normative rather than deviant. Yet the same drinking that passes almost unremarked in the moment is tied, across large longitudinal studies, to a sharply elevated risk of alcohol dependence years later, and to measurable differences in how the adolescent brain develops.
This article treats underage drinking not as a moral category but as a developmental one. It follows the behavior from its epidemiology, who drinks, how much, and when, through the finding that the age at which a person first drinks is one of the strongest available predictors of lifetime alcohol problems, to the neuroscience that explains why a brain in the middle of remodeling its motivational and regulatory systems is both more drawn to alcohol and more affected by it.
Key Takeaways
- Underage drinking is a developmental behavior, not merely a legal one. Its significance comes from the fact that it occurs while the brain's reward and control systems are still maturing, which shapes both its causes and its effects. - An early age of onset predicts lifetime risk. People who begin drinking in early adolescence are several times more likely to develop alcohol dependence than those who begin in their twenties, a relationship that holds across large national surveys. - The adolescent brain is both more drawn to alcohol and more affected by it. Heightened reward sensitivity and immature cognitive control increase the pull toward drinking, while the still-developing brain shows greater vulnerability to alcohol's structural and cognitive effects. - Most consumption is episodic and heavy. Underage drinkers tend to drink less often than adults but to consume more per occasion, so binge and high-intensity patterns dominate the public-health burden. - The early-onset association is not proof of simple causation. Early drinking and later dependence share common developmental risk factors, so part of the link reflects a shared vulnerability rather than a direct effect of the alcohol alone.
What Underage Drinking Is
Underage drinking is the consumption of alcoholic beverages by individuals below the legally defined minimum drinking age, which in the United States is twenty-one and in most other countries is eighteen. The Medical Subject Headings vocabulary classifies it as a form of adolescent behavior, the broad category of actions characteristic of the second decade of life, and treats it as a distinct indexed topic because of its public-health significance and its tight links to the developmental features of that period (Masten et al., 2008).
Defining the behavior by a legal threshold is convenient for policy but obscures what makes it a coherent object of study. What matters developmentally is not the particular age a jurisdiction sets but that the drinking occurs during a window of active brain maturation. A seventeen-year-old and a twenty-two-year-old who drink identically are engaged in the same act legally in some countries and different acts in others, yet the biological stakes differ because of where each sits on the developmental trajectory rather than which side of a statutory line (Spear, 2018). For that reason researchers study underage drinking as part of the larger question of how alcohol interacts with a developing nervous system.
Patterns and Prevalence
Underage drinking follows a characteristic profile that distinguishes it from adult drinking. Adolescents drink less frequently than adults overall, but when they do drink they tend to consume more per occasion, so the behavior is concentrated into episodic heavy drinking rather than spread across regular moderate use (Windle, 2016). Prevalence rises steeply across the teen years: experimentation is uncommon in early adolescence, climbs through the mid-teens, and peaks in the late teens and early twenties, tracking the same developmental curve as other reward-driven behaviors.
The most consequential patterns are the heaviest ones. Binge drinking, conventionally defined as reaching a blood alcohol concentration of about 0.08 percent, roughly four or five drinks in two hours, accounts for most of the alcohol consumed by people under the legal age. A subset of underage drinkers engage in high-intensity drinking, consuming at twice the binge threshold or more, a pattern that carries disproportionate risk of acute harm and that has drawn particular research attention because standard binge measures understate it (Patrick & Terry-McElrath, 2016). The environment shapes these patterns: exposure to alcohol marketing is associated with earlier onset and heavier consumption among young people, one of the few modifiable influences identified in longitudinal work (Jernigan et al., 2017).
Age of Onset and Later Risk
The single most studied fact about underage drinking is that the age at which a person first drinks predicts their later risk of alcohol problems. In the National Longitudinal Alcohol Epidemiologic Survey, Bridget Grant and Deborah Dawson found that the lifetime prevalence of alcohol dependence fell sharply with each additional year that drinking onset was delayed: people who began drinking before age fifteen were several times more likely to develop dependence than those who began at twenty-one or later (Grant & Dawson, 1997). David DeWit and colleagues confirmed the pattern prospectively, showing that early first use predicted the subsequent development of alcohol disorders rather than merely correlating with concurrent problems (DeWit et al., 2000).
The relationship is graded and steep. Ralph Hingson and colleagues, analyzing a large national sample, found that beginning to drink at an early age was associated not only with a higher chance of ever becoming dependent but with developing dependence more quickly and in a more severe form (Hingson et al., 2006). The first demonstration plots an illustrative onset-risk curve, showing how the modeled probability of later dependence falls as the age of first drink rises.
Drag the age of first drink and watch the modeled probability of ever developing alcohol dependence fall. The curve is highest for the earliest onset and decays steeply: the surveys find that each additional year a first drink is delayed removes a substantial share of later risk, and that the decline is sharpest in early adolescence. The readout also shows the risk relative to onset at age twenty-one, the point the reference line marks.
The curve is the illustrative function from the Worked Example, P(age) = 45·exp(−0.3·(age−13)) percent, not measured data; the specific numbers are representative, but the elevenfold spread and the convex shape match the published onset-risk gradients. Because the link is partly confounded by a shared vulnerability, the gradient marks risk rather than proving pure causation. Computed locally, not stored. After Grant and Dawson (1997), DeWit et al. (2000), and Hingson et al. (2006).
A central interpretive caution runs through this literature. The association between early onset and later dependence does not by itself establish that early drinking causes the later disorder, because the same underlying factors, a family history of alcoholism, early conduct problems, impulsive temperament, that lead a child to drink early also independently raise the risk of dependence (Donovan, 2004). Part of the observed link therefore reflects a shared developmental vulnerability rather than a direct pharmacological effect of adolescent drinking. Disentangling the causal contribution of the alcohol itself from the predispositions that precede it remains one of the field's central challenges.
The Developing Brain
Adolescence is a period of extensive brain remodeling: synaptic connections are pruned, white-matter tracts are myelinated, and the balance of activity between subcortical reward regions and the prefrontal cortex shifts. Laurence Spear's synthesis of the animal and human literature established that this remodeling makes the adolescent brain a developmentally distinct substrate, one that responds to alcohol differently from the mature brain and that may be more vulnerable to lasting change (Spear, 2000; Spear, 2018). The practical concern is that alcohol exposure during this window may interfere with the very processes of maturation that are underway.
Neuroimaging has given the concern empirical substance. Lindsay Squeglia, Joanna Jacobus, and Susan Tapert reviewed evidence that adolescent substance use, including heavy drinking, is associated with differences in brain structure and with poorer performance on tests of memory and attention, and that these differences are detectable in longitudinal data that follow the same individuals over time (Squeglia et al., 2009). A more recent synthesis by Briana Lees and colleagues drew together the accumulated longitudinal findings, reporting that heavier adolescent drinking is associated with accelerated reductions in gray-matter volume, attenuated white-matter development, and subtle cognitive deficits, while emphasizing that effect sizes are modest and causal inference remains difficult (Lees et al., 2020). The second demonstration contrasts the modeled developmental trajectory of a lightly drinking and a heavily drinking adolescent brain.
Set how much an adolescent drinks and slide age to compare two modeled gray-matter trajectories. The navy curve is a lightly drinking brain, whose volume declines gently as normal adolescent pruning proceeds; the gold curve is a brain drinking at the chosen level, whose decline the longitudinal imaging literature finds to be steeper. The gap between them widens with both age and drinking intensity, the pattern the reviews report.
The trajectories are illustrative, not measured: a gentle baseline decline, GM0(age) = 100 − 1.1·(age−13), and an extra loss that scales with drinking and age. They dramatize the association the longitudinal reviews describe, accelerated gray-matter reduction with heavier adolescent drinking, while the reviews themselves stress that effect sizes are modest and that separating alcohol’s effect from pre-existing differences remains difficult. Computed locally, not stored. After Squeglia et al. (2009) and Lees et al. (2020).
Why Adolescence Is Vulnerable
The developmental account of underage drinking rests on the same dual-systems logic that organizes the broader study of adolescent risk-taking. A socioemotional system centered on the limbic reward circuitry becomes highly reactive at puberty and peaks in mid-adolescence, while a cognitive-control system centered on the prefrontal cortex matures slowly into the mid-twenties (Steinberg, 2008). The gap between a highly reactive reward system and a still-weak control system makes reward-driven behaviors, including the pursuit of alcohol, especially likely precisely when the capacity to regulate them is least developed.
BJ Casey and Rebecca Jones connected this imbalance directly to substance use, arguing that the adolescent pattern of heightened sensitivity to reward combined with immature impulse control explains both why substance use typically begins in adolescence and why the period is one of elevated vulnerability to developing a disorder (Casey & Jones, 2010). The vulnerability is thus twofold: the same neural profile that increases the motivation to drink also, on the animal and human evidence, appears to leave the maturing brain more susceptible to alcohol's effects. The third demonstration lets the reader vary age to see how reward reactivity, control capacity, and alcohol sensitivity combine into a window of peak vulnerability.
Slide age across three developing influences. The gold curve is reward reactivity, which peaks in mid-adolescence; the navy curve is cognitive control, which rises slowly toward an adult plateau; the green curve is the sensitivity of the maturing brain to alcohol, which is high early and declines. Their combination, the shaded red curve, is a composite vulnerability that is greatest when reward reactivity and alcohol sensitivity are both high and control is still weak. The shaded band marks that window.
The curves are illustrative functions, not measured data: reward reactivity R(age) = 100·exp(−(age−15)²/30), control C(age) = 100/(1+exp(−(age−16.5)/2.2)), alcohol sensitivity A(age) = 100/(1+exp((age−18)/3)), and their composite V = R·(A/100)·(1−0.55·C/100). The composite peaks near age 13.5 and stays within sixty percent of that peak across roughly ages 10.1 to 16.6, reproducing the model’s claim that vulnerability tracks the joint timing of the three systems. Computed locally, not stored. After Steinberg (2008) and Casey and Jones (2010).
Worked Example: Onset Age and Dependence Risk
The epidemiological finding at the heart of this topic can be laid out with simple arithmetic. The surveys report that the probability of ever developing alcohol dependence declines steadily with each additional year that the age of first drink is delayed. Represent that probability as a curve that is highest for the earliest onset and decays as onset age rises.
The model. Let the modeled lifetime probability of dependence for a person whose drinking began at age a be P(a) = 45 × exp(−0.3 × (a − 13)) percent, anchored so that onset at age 13 carries a 45 percent modeled probability. The decay constant of 0.3 per year means the probability is halved for roughly every 2.3 years that onset is delayed (since ln 2 / 0.3 ≈ 2.31). Table 1 evaluates the curve at five onset ages.
| Age of first drink | Modeled dependence probability P | Relative to onset at 21 |
|---|---|---|
| 13 | 45.0% | 11.0× |
| 15 | 24.7% | 6.0× |
| 17 | 13.6% | 3.3× |
| 19 | 7.4% | 1.8× |
| 21 | 4.1% | 1.0× |
The modeled probability falls from 45 percent at onset age 13 to about 4 percent at onset age 21, an elevenfold difference across eight years of delay. The shape reproduces the central empirical fact the surveys report: the decline is steepest in early adolescence, so that delaying a first drink from 13 to 15 removes more absolute risk than delaying it from 19 to 21. The specific numbers are illustrative rather than measured, but the magnitude and the convex shape match the published onset-risk gradients, and they make vivid why prevention research has concentrated on delaying the age of first use rather than only on reducing how much adolescents drink (Grant & Dawson, 1997; Hingson et al., 2006).
Discussion
The modern understanding of underage drinking reframes a behavior once treated as simple delinquency as a developmental phenomenon with measurable antecedents and consequences. The epidemiology establishes the central fact, that early onset predicts later dependence, and the neuroscience supplies a plausible mechanism in the differential maturation of reward and control systems and the vulnerability of the developing brain to alcohol. The two literatures converge on a coherent picture: adolescence is a window in which the motivation to drink is elevated, the capacity to regulate that motivation is incomplete, and the brain that experiences the alcohol is still being built.
That convergence must be stated carefully. The early-onset association is among the most robust in the field, but its causal interpretation is genuinely contested, because the factors that lead a child to drink early also independently predict dependence. The honest conclusion is that adolescent drinking carries real developmental risk and that part of that risk reflects a shared vulnerability the drinking marks rather than creates. This is not a reason to dismiss the association but a reason to read it as the field does: as a strong signal whose causal share is still being estimated, and as a justification for prevention that is grounded in developmental timing rather than in moral alarm.
Cognitive Implications
For cognitive psychology, underage drinking is a case study in how a developing cognitive system interacts with a pharmacological agent. The imaging and longitudinal findings bear directly on the study of executive function and memory, because they suggest that heavy exposure during a sensitive period is associated with measurable differences in exactly the prefrontally dependent capacities, working memory, attention, and inhibitory control, that mature latest and that the dual-systems model identifies as the weak half of the adolescent imbalance.
The topic also illuminates the relationship between motivation and control more generally. Underage drinking is a behavior in which a strong, immediate, socially amplified reward competes with a slower, deliberate appraisal of long-term cost, and in which the person's capacity to let the second override the first is still developing. Studying who drinks, when, and with what consequences therefore contributes to the broader cognitive question of how reward valuation and cognitive control are weighted against each other, and how that weighting changes as the underlying systems mature.
Current Directions
Contemporary research is pursuing the topic in two main directions. The first is the effort to resolve the causal question with designs that the early cross-sectional surveys could not support. Large prospective cohorts that image the same adolescents repeatedly as they begin and escalate drinking are now tracking brain and cognitive trajectories against drinking histories, with the aim of separating the effects of alcohol from the pre-existing differences that predict both drinking and later problems (Lees et al., 2020). These studies are beginning to report pre-drinking neural markers that themselves predict who will go on to drink heavily, a reversal of the inferential direction that sharpens the disentangling of cause from predisposition.
The second direction concerns the modifiable environment. The finding that exposure to alcohol marketing is prospectively associated with earlier onset and heavier drinking has made the commercial and digital environment a focus of both research and policy, including questions about how online and social-media advertising reach young people (Jernigan et al., 2017). This work reflects a broader shift from framing underage drinking solely as an individual choice toward understanding it as the product of a developmental vulnerability acting within a particular social and commercial context.
Figure 1
Common Misconceptions
- Underage drinking is harmful mainly because it is illegal.
- No. Its developmental significance comes from the fact that it occurs while the brain's reward and control systems are still maturing; the legal threshold is a policy marker, and the biological stakes turn on developmental timing rather than on the statutory line (Spear, 2018).
- Early drinking directly causes later alcohol dependence.
- Not straightforwardly. Early onset strongly predicts later dependence, but the factors that lead a child to drink early, such as family history and impulsive temperament, also independently raise dependence risk, so part of the association reflects a shared vulnerability rather than a pure causal effect of the alcohol (Donovan, 2004).
- Adolescents who drink do so more often than adults.
- No. Underage drinkers typically drink less frequently than adults but consume more per occasion, so their drinking is concentrated into episodic heavy and high-intensity patterns that account for most of the harm (Windle, 2016; Patrick & Terry-McElrath, 2016).
- The adolescent brain is just a smaller adult brain where alcohol is concerned.
- No. The adolescent brain is a developmentally distinct substrate undergoing active remodeling, and the evidence indicates it responds to alcohol differently and may be more vulnerable to lasting structural and cognitive effects (Spear, 2000; Lees et al., 2020).
Glossary
- Adolescence.
- The developmental stage between childhood and adulthood, biologically initiated by puberty and extending, on modern definitions, from about age ten into the early twenties.
- Age of onset.
- The age at which a person first consumes alcohol; one of the strongest available predictors of later alcohol dependence.
- Alcohol dependence.
- A disorder marked by impaired control over drinking, tolerance, withdrawal, and continued use despite harm; its lifetime risk rises steeply with earlier onset.
- Binge drinking.
- A pattern of consumption that raises blood alcohol concentration to about 0.08 percent, roughly four or five drinks in two hours, which accounts for most alcohol consumed by underage drinkers.
- Blood alcohol concentration.
- The percentage of alcohol in the bloodstream, used to define thresholds such as binge and high-intensity drinking.
- Cognitive control.
- The set of prefrontally based processes that regulate impulse, plan ahead, and override immediate reward; it matures slowly across adolescence into the mid-twenties.
- Dual systems model.
- The theory that adolescent risk-taking, including the pursuit of alcohol, arises from an imbalance between a fast-maturing reward system and a slower-maturing cognitive-control system.
- Gray matter.
- Brain tissue composed largely of neuronal cell bodies, whose volume is normally pruned across adolescence and whose reduction may be accelerated by heavy drinking.
- High-intensity drinking.
- Consumption at twice the binge threshold or more, a pattern carrying disproportionate acute risk that standard binge measures understate.
- Longitudinal study.
- A design that follows the same individuals over time, allowing early drinking to be related to later outcomes rather than merely to concurrent ones.
- Prevalence.
- The proportion of a population engaging in a behavior over a given period; for underage drinking it rises steeply across the teen years.
- Reward sensitivity.
- The degree to which rewarding stimuli drive motivation and behavior; it peaks in mid-adolescence and heightens the pull toward alcohol.
- Shared vulnerability.
- The common developmental risk factors that independently raise both the likelihood of early drinking and the likelihood of later dependence, confounding the causal interpretation of their association.
- Underage drinking.
- The consumption of alcohol by individuals below the legal drinking age, studied as a developmental rather than merely legal phenomenon.
- White matter.
- Myelinated axonal tracts whose development continues through adolescence and whose maturation may be attenuated by heavy alcohol exposure.
Key Researchers
BJ Casey
(Yale University, Professor of Psychology). Developmental cognitive neuroscientist whose imaging work on the maturational imbalance between limbic reward circuits and prefrontal control grounds circuit-based accounts of why adolescence is a period of heightened vulnerability to substance use. ORCID · Wikipedia · Wikidata · Faculty · Scholar
Ralph W. Hingson
(National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, Division of Epidemiology and Prevention Research). Epidemiologist whose research established the graded link between an early age at drinking onset and the lifetime risk, speed, and severity of alcohol dependence. Wikipedia · Wikidata
Linda P. Spear
(Binghamton University, State University of New York; 1950–2020). Developmental psychobiologist whose work defined the adolescent brain as a developmentally distinct substrate and traced the lasting effects of adolescent alcohol exposure on the maturing brain. Faculty
Lindsay M. Squeglia
(Medical University of South Carolina, Professor of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences). Clinical psychologist whose neuroimaging research tracks how adolescent alcohol and substance use alters the trajectory of brain development. Faculty · Scholar
Laurence Steinberg
(Temple University, Distinguished University Professor of Psychology). Developmental psychologist and leading figure in the dual-systems account of adolescent risk-taking, which explains why reward-driven behaviors such as underage drinking peak in mid-adolescence. Wikipedia · Wikidata · Faculty · Scholar
Susan F. Tapert
(University of California San Diego, Professor of Psychiatry). Clinical neuropsychologist whose longitudinal neuroimaging work, including the ABCD Study, characterizes how adolescent drinking affects neurocognition and brain structure. ORCID · Faculty · Scholar
Robert A. Zucker
(University of Michigan, Professor Emeritus of Psychiatry and Psychology). Clinical psychologist whose developmental research on the etiology of alcohol use disorders frames underage drinking within a lifespan developmental model. Faculty · Scholar
Frequently Asked Questions
What is underage drinking?
Underage drinking is the consumption of alcohol by individuals below the legal drinking age. It is studied as a developmental phenomenon rather than merely a legal one, because it occurs during a period of active brain maturation that shapes both why adolescents drink and how the alcohol affects them.
Why does the age someone starts drinking matter so much?
Because the age of first drink is one of the strongest predictors of later alcohol problems. Large national surveys find that people who begin drinking in early adolescence are several times more likely to develop alcohol dependence than those who begin in their twenties, and tend to develop it faster and more severely (Grant & Dawson, 1997; Hingson et al., 2006).
Does drinking early actually cause dependence, or just predict it?
Both interpretations hold in part. The predictive link is robust, but the factors that lead a child to drink early, such as family history and impulsive temperament, also independently raise the risk of dependence, so some of the association reflects a shared vulnerability rather than a direct effect of the alcohol itself (Donovan, 2004).
How is underage drinking different from adult drinking?
Adolescents tend to drink less often than adults but to consume more per occasion, so their drinking is concentrated into episodic heavy and high-intensity patterns rather than spread across regular moderate use (Windle, 2016; Patrick & Terry-McElrath, 2016).
Does alcohol affect the adolescent brain differently from the adult brain?
The evidence indicates it does. The adolescent brain is undergoing active remodeling, and animal and human studies suggest it responds to alcohol differently and may be more vulnerable to lasting structural and cognitive effects than the mature brain (Spear, 2018; Lees et al., 2020).
Why is adolescence a time of heightened vulnerability to drinking?
A reward system that is highly reactive in mid-adolescence is paired with a cognitive-control system that is still maturing, so the motivation to drink is elevated at exactly the stage when the capacity to regulate it is weakest (Steinberg, 2008; Casey & Jones, 2010).
What are the measurable effects of heavy adolescent drinking on the brain?
Longitudinal neuroimaging has associated heavier adolescent drinking with accelerated reductions in gray-matter volume, attenuated white-matter development, and subtle deficits in memory and attention, though the reported effect sizes are modest and causal inference remains difficult (Squeglia et al., 2009; Lees et al., 2020).
Does the environment influence underage drinking?
Yes. Exposure to alcohol marketing is prospectively associated with earlier onset and heavier consumption among young people, making the commercial and digital environment one of the few modifiable influences identified in longitudinal research (Jernigan et al., 2017).
References
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Donovan, J. E. (2004). Adolescent alcohol initiation: A review of psychosocial risk factors. Journal of Adolescent Health, 35(6), 529.e7–529.e18. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2004.02.003
Grant, B. F., & Dawson, D. A. (1997). Age at onset of alcohol use and its association with DSM-IV alcohol abuse and dependence: Results from the National Longitudinal Alcohol Epidemiologic Survey. Journal of Substance Abuse, 9, 103–110. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0899-3289(97)90009-2
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Jernigan, D., Noel, J., Landon, J., Thornton, N., & Lobstein, T. (2017). Alcohol marketing and youth alcohol consumption: A systematic review of longitudinal studies published since 2008. Addiction, 112(Suppl. 1), 7–20. https://doi.org/10.1111/add.13591
Lees, B., Meredith, L. R., Kirkland, A. E., Bryant, B. E., & Squeglia, L. M. (2020). Effect of alcohol use on the adolescent brain and behavior. Pharmacology Biochemistry and Behavior, 192, 172906. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pbb.2020.172906
Masten, A. S., Faden, V. B., Zucker, R. A., & Spear, L. P. (2008). Underage drinking: A developmental framework. Pediatrics, 121(Suppl. 4), S235–S251. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2007-2243A
Patrick, M. E., & Terry-McElrath, Y. M. (2016). High-intensity drinking by underage young adults in the United States. Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, 40(9), 1905–1912. https://doi.org/10.1111/acer.13164
Spear, L. P. (2000). The adolescent brain and age-related behavioral manifestations. Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 24(4), 417–463. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0149-7634(00)00014-2
Spear, L. P. (2018). Effects of adolescent alcohol consumption on the brain and behaviour. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 19(4), 197–214. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn.2018.10
Squeglia, L. M., Jacobus, J., & Tapert, S. F. (2009). The influence of substance use on adolescent brain development. Clinical EEG and Neuroscience, 40(1), 31–38. https://doi.org/10.1177/155005940904000110
Steinberg, L. (2008). A social neuroscience perspective on adolescent risk-taking. Developmental Review, 28(1), 78–106. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dr.2007.08.002
Windle, M. (2016). Drinking over the lifespan: Focus on early adolescents and youth. Alcohol Research: Current Reviews, 38(1), 95–101. https://doi.org/10.35946/arcr.v38.1.12